LET'S FIGHT BACK

LET'S FIGHT BACK
GOD BLESS AMERICA

Thursday, October 31, 2024

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Free Cuba Now!


To promote a nonviolent transition to a Cuba that respects human rights, political and economic freedoms, and the rule of law.

 

Remembering Cuba’s prisoners of conscience on the International Day of Political Prisoners #SetThemFree

“Never allow the government – or anyone else – to tell you what you can or cannot believe or what you can and cannot say or what your conscience tells you to have to do or not do.” - Armando Valladares, former Cuban prisoner of conscience and Ambassador to the UN Human Rights Commission. He spent 22 years in Castro’s prisons. 

Some of the over 1,100 political prisoners now jailed in Cuba. [ Rep. Carlos A. Gimenez ]

October 30th is the International Day of Political Prisoners. 50 years ago on October 30, 1974 the idea of marking a day of political prisoners in the Soviet Union was initiated with a 24-hour fast. It began a powerful movement against repression led by Russian dissidents, Sergei Kovalev and Andrei Sakharov.

Freedom House in recognition of this day highlighted the cases of several current political prisoners, including two Cubans, Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel ‘Osorbo’ Castillo.There are currently over one thousand one hundred political prisoners in Cuba. Most were jailed for taking part in nationwide protests in July 2021 demanding freedom, human rights, and an end to dictatorship.

The National Endowment for Democracy, the World Movement for Democracy and Freedom House held a virtual event earlier today that provided a global context, and is available on Youtube.

This blog entry explores this reality within the Cuban context.

Cuban prisoners of conscience have been a reality in Cuba since 1959. Some of them had participated in the struggle against Batista, and made Fidel Castro’s rise to power possible.Huber Matos, a school teacher, declared himself in opposition to Fulgencio Batista on March 10, 1952 the day that Cuban democracy came under attack. Following the extrajudicial killing of some of his former students he joined the armed struggle and ended up being one of the leaders of the revolutionary insurrection that drove Batista from power early on New Year’s Day 1959.

Huber Matos fought against Batista. Spent 22 years jailed for nonviolent dissent with communist rule.Less than a year later he would be on trial for his life. What was his crime? Warning Fidel Castro in several private letters, where he tendered his resignation only to have it refused, that communists were infiltrating the revolutionary government. In these letters he plainly stated:

“I did not want to become an obstacle to the revolution and I believe that if I am forced to choose between falling into line or withdrawing from the world so as not to do harm, the most honorable and revolutionary action is to leave.”

Fidel Castro made the letters public generating the crisis and denouncing the charge that communists were infiltrating the government. He ordered Camilo Cienfuegos, another popular revolutionary leader, to arrest Matos. The Castro brothers began to prepare a show trial and the execution by firing squad of Huber Matos for treason.

The revolutionary tribunal was prepared. Fidel Castro spoke to Matos promising that if he confessed to everything that he would not face any prison time and could go home. Matos refused, and as the show trial began and they tried to shut him up – he refused. He went on to speak for more that three hours and concluded his testimony stating:

“I consider myself neither a traitor nor a deserter. My conscience is clear. If the court should find me guilty, I shall accept its decision – even though I may be shot. I would consider it one more service for the revolution.”

Revolutionary officers that had been convened at the trial to chant “to the execution wall” instead, moved by his testimony, rose up and applauded Matos. Instead of the firing squad the revolutionary tribunal sentenced him to 22 years in prison in December 1959.

Huber Matos would serve every day of those 22 years suffering beatings and other tortures.

 
 

Labor union organizer Mario Chanes de Armas jailed with Castro by Batista in 1953. For his nonviolent dissent Castro jailed him for 30 years

Mario Chanes de Armasa regional leader of the Cuban Brewery Workers joined Castro’s efforts to overthrow Fulgencio Batista. Both were jailed by Batista for their anti-regime activities. Mario Chanes took part in the July 26, 1953 assault on the Moncada Barracks and was wounded. He was put on trial with the Castro brothers, and sentenced to 10 years in prison, but was pardoned with them after 22 months.

Mario Chanes trained in Mexico and returned to Cuba on the Granma yacht with the Castro brothers, and Ernesto “Che” Guevara to defeat Batista.

Chanes could have had any position in the new regime, but opted to return to his brewery job. After two years of watching Castro betray their movement, Chanes spoke out against the communist influence in the revolutionary government. Chanes was tried as a counterrevolutionary and in 1961 imprisoned for 30 years.

In 1987 the documentary “Nobody Listened” captured Cuba’s human rights reality combining interviews with former political prisoners, including many Plantados, archival footage of firing squads and other instances of repression. Former prisoners described show trials, extrajudicial executions, and cruel and unusual punishments that rose to the level of torture.

On May 29, 1987 after enduring nearly 28 years in prison, Roberto Martin Perez Rodriguez descended from a Panamanian air force jetonto Panamanian soil where he met his daughter Glenda Menes, who he last saw when she was a year old, and his 84 year old mother Candida Rodriguez. During his long imprisonment his wife had passed away. One day later on May 30th he arrived in Miami where he was received by “300 well-wishers” who “thronged ” Miami International Airport.

Nobody Listened interviewed Roberto Martin Perez’s daughter, Glenda Menes, while he was still jailed. In the documentary she is holding one of the grandchildren he had never seen.

Following his arrival in the United States he met and married Ninoska Perez Castellon and they continued the struggle for a free Cuba in the diaspora. On Friday, June 25, 2021 Ninoska over Facebook posted a photo of her, and her husband, announcing that he had passed away, and she offered the following summary of his life:

“He was one of the first to oppose the regime of Fidel Castro, he spent 28 years in Castro’s prisons as a Plantado, [a defiant political prisoner who rejected indoctrination and compromise with the dictatorship]. He saw his friends die on hunger strikes, fall riddled with bullets before the firing squad, he was hungry, cold, angry and in pain with his brothers. He survived torture, inhuman punishments, lack of medical attention and they never managed to break him down. He never considered himself a victim. When, after an intense international campaign, he was released, General Manuel Noriega, for doing Fidel Castro a favor, sent an official delegation to Cuba to look for him. He told them that he did not accept freedom because there were 200 other prisoners who were in worse condition and the plane returned to Panama without him. It was after several days of the prisoners asking him to come out and advocate for them that he left the prison with the commitment to continue fighting until he was free and he did.”

Over the past sixty five years the international community has become accustomed to the systemic injustices perpetrated by the Castro dictatorship. Between 1959 and 1988 no international organizations were allowed to visit prisons in Cuba. This included the International Committee of the Red Cross. This was at a time that prisons were filled with prisoners of conscience and political prisoners in Cuba.

Ricardo Bofill: human rights defender and prisoner of conscience

Independent human rights organizations in Cuba are not legally recognized by the Castro regime. The Cuban Committee for Human Rights was formally established on January 28, 1976 but did not become fully active until 1983 because State Security arrested and imprisoned everyone shortly after it was founded.

Seven years later, in October of 1983, in the Combinado del Este prison, several prisoners of conscience who had similar aspirations met. Paradoxically, what the regime did was to join together many of those who were already marching along similar paths, and the Cuban Committee for Human Rights eventually re-emerged where many political projects usually end. In truth, there were only seven: Ricardo BofillGustavo Arcos Bergnes (then incommunicado on the ground floor and with whom the others could only speak when they took them out to the prison yard), Elizardo Sánchez Santa Cruz (who was already in the Boniato prison, but kept in contact with the others through family members), the former director of Pabellón Cuba, Teodoro del Valle, the poet René Díaz Almeyda, the diplomat Edmigio López Castillo and Ariel Hidalgo.

However things were about to change on the international front.

The Cuban Committee for Human Rights was able to document human rights abuses and smuggle these reports out of the prisons and out of Cuba reaching the international community. It was their work combined with the diplomatic pressure of the Reagan Administration, and their Ambassador to the United Nations Human Rights Commission, former prisoner of conscience, Dr. Armando Valladares that on March 8, 1988 the Cuban government was finally called to account for systematically denying access to Cuba’s prisons.

U.S. Ambassador to the UNHRC Armando Valladares

On March 11, 1988 Havana invited the United Nations Human Rights Commission to investigate human rights in Cuba. Over the course of the next year not only the UN Human Rights Commission, but also the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch were able to enter Cuba and document the human rights violations in the island.

This was the first and last time these organizations were allowed into Cuba to visit Castro’s prisons. The lack of outrage turned into a permanent acceptance of injustice in Cuba.

Thirty five years have passed since the last time the International Committee of the Red Cross was able to visit Cuban prisons. Meanwhile the International Committee of the Red Cross has visited the U.S. Guantanamo detention facility over 100 times since 2001.

During the Cuban Black Spring in 2003 over a 100 activists were arrested and 75 of them were subjected to political show trials and condemned to prison terms ranging from 15 to 25 years in prison. A Czech film crew in Cuba filmed and interviewed activists before the crackdown and then interviewed their friends and family members after the show trials.

Out of this crackdown the wives, daughters, and sisters of these activists formed the Ladies in White and began organizing for their freedom. Regular marches, literary teas, and lobbying both the Cuban government and the international community. Some have been jailed, others beaten, and one of the founding leaders, Laura Inés Pollán Toledo, died under suspicious circumstances on October 14, 2011. There are still extrajudicial executions in Cuba by Castro's secret police. Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas, and Harold Cepero were murdered in a state security engineered killings on July 22, 2012, according to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in their June 9, 2023 report on the merits.

Prisoners of conscience have died in Castro's prisons while protesting mistreatment at the hands of Cuban officials. This has gone on for decades. Some of the high profile cases stretch out over more than a half century: student leader Pedro Luis Boitel (1972), human rights defender Orlando Zapata Tamayo (2010), UNPACU member Wilman Villar Mendoza (2012) and political prisoner Yosvany Arostegui Armenteros are but a few that have been well documented.

Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. issued a prophetic warning in his "Letter from Birmingham Jail" when he observed, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.” The international community has paid a price for its acceptance of these continuing injustices. Venezuela is now suffering a human rights crisis, a product of a Cuban occupation and the imposition of these systemic injustices on a new and larger population.

The newest prisoners of conscience recognized by Amnesty International on October 23, 2024 are “political dissident Félix Navarro, independent journalist and Dama de Blanco Sayli Navarro, 11J protester Roberto Pérez Fonseca and activist Luis Robles.” 

Six and a half decades and ongoing of prisoners of conscience in Cuba, many of them human rights defenders jailed for their vocation, is an outrage that must be denounced more vigorously by the international community.

 
 

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Do Open Borders Make Sense?

the AZEL

PERSPECTIVE

Commentary on Cuba's Future, U.S. Foreign Policy & Individual Freedoms - Issue 379 B
 
José Azel's latest books "On Freedom" and "Sobre La Libertad" are now available on Amazon. 

Do Open Borders Make Sense? (Previously published)

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While I am personally uncomfortable with the idea of open borders, the topic is worth studying as economist Bryan Caplan does in Open Borders: The Science and Ethics of Immigration. Caplan’s argument is categorical: “Opening all borders would usher in a booming global economy practically eliminating poverty worldwide and ultimately benefiting all humanity.”

He calculates that when the average third-world worker moves to a country like the United States, that worker’s productivity increases by 400 percent. The poorer the country of origin, the greater the productivity gains. Caplan’s point is that the same workers are more productive in the United States than in Nigeria or Haiti. In other words, the earnings gap results not from who you are, but from where you are. 

Caplan is a meticulous scholar, and he has crunched the numbers to address the various objections to open immigration. He acknowledges the risks associated with open borders but, given that World Gross Product would double if anyone could take a job anywhere, the downside risks of open borders would have to be astronomical for the cost to outweigh its benefits. 

When it comes to supply and demand, we understand intuitively the supply-side effect of immigrants such as an increase of immigrant workers that drives down wages. Yet, we fail to see the demand-side of immigrants as consumers. When selling our labor, immigrants that sell the same labor, may hurt us in the marketplace. But we are helped, in the same marketplace, by immigrants that buy the goods and services that we sell. 

Also, by world standards, even low-skilled American workers are high-skilled. They are literate, fluid in English, and familiar with the modern world. Therefore, low-skilled American workers often end up training and managing new arrivals, not competing with them. Think for instance of jobs in the construction industry. 

Immigration opponents claim that immigrants lower our country’s average standard of living. This is technically true, but it is a meaningless statistic. Say that the average standard of living in 

the United States and in a foreign country is measured by average incomes of $50,000 and $5,000 respectively. This yields a combined World Gross Product of $55,000. If under open borders the foreigner chooses to work in the U.S for $20,000, their combined World Gross Product rises to $70,000. Humanity is enriched. 

Notice, however, that although the average native worker in the U.S. is still making $50,000, the average income in the United States is now lower at $35,000 ($50,000 + $20,000 / 2). Yes, the immigrant’s arrival has lowered the statistical average income, but his income, and the income of the world, has increased at no cost to the native worker. Admittedly this is a simplistic illustration, over time the supply of lower cost labor could bring down the income of that native worker. The point is simply that the often-cited statistics need scrutiny. 

Another objection to immigration is the fiscal burden that it imposes on government services. But many government services are what economists call “non-rival” services: services where the total cost of the services stays the same even as population increases. National defense is the classic example of a “non-rival” service that does not increase in cost due to population growth. 

Of the remaining “rival spending” on government services, over two thirds is for the very young and the very old. Professor Caplan’s work shows that most immigrants are of working age, neither very young nor very old. Rather than a fiscal burden, working age immigrants mostly contribute thru taxation to programs for the young and the old. A report by the National Academy of Science concludes that the overall long-term fiscal effect of a new immigrant is a positive $259,000. Unless immigrants are old and low skilled, they more than pay for themselves. 

Caplan numerically addresses other objections to unlimited immigration such as criminality, terrorism, political ideology, cultural dilution and more. And yet, I remain uncomfortable with the idea of open borders. But now, I am even more uncomfortable because I do not know why I remain uncomfortable. 

Please let us know if you Like Issue 379 B - Do Open Borders Make Sense? on Facebook this article.
We welcome your feedback.
Abrazos,

Lily & José

(click on the name to email Lily or Jose)
José Azel, Ph.D.

José Azel left Cuba in 1961 as a 13 year-old political exile in what has been dubbed Operation Pedro Pan - the largest unaccompanied child refugee movement in the history of the Western Hemisphere.  

He is currently dedicated to the in-depth analyses of Cuba's economic, social and political state, with a keen interest in post-Castro-Cuba strategies. Dr. Azel was a Senior Scholar at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies (ICCAS) at the University of Miami, Jose Azel has published extensively on Cuba related topics.

In 2012 and 2015, Dr. Azel testified in the U.S. Congress on U.S.-Cuba Policy, and U.S. National Security.  He is a frequent speaker and commentator on these and related topics on local, national and international media.  He holds undergraduate and masters degrees in business administration and a Ph.D. in International Affairs from the University of Miami.

José along with his wife Lily are avid skiers and adventure travelers.  In recent years they have climbed Grand Teton in Wyoming, trekked Mt. Kilimanjaro in Tanzania and Machu Pichu in Peru.  They have also hiked in Tibet and in the Himalayas to Mt. Everest Base Camp.

They cycled St. James Way (
El Camino de Santiago de Compostela) and cycled alongside the Danube from Germany to Hungary and throughout southern France.  They have scuba dived in the Bay Islands off the Honduran coast and in the Galapagos Islands. Most recently, they rafted for 17 days 220 miles in the Grand Canyon. 

Their adventurers are normally dedicated to raise funds for causes that are dear to them. 

Watch Joe & Lily summit Kilimanjaro.

Books by Dr. José Azel
José Azel’s writings are touched with the wisdom of a master, and the charm of an excellent communicator. Anyone who wishes to understand why countries do, or do not, progress will find in this book the best explanations. And, from these readings emerge numerous inferences: How and why do the good intentions of leftist collectivism lead countries to hell? Why is liberty not a sub product of prosperity, but rather one of its causes?

If it was in my power, this work would be required reading for all college and university students, and I would also recommend its reading to all politicians, journalists, and policymakers. With his writings Azel accomplishes what was achieved in France by Frédéric Bastiat, and in the United States by Henry Hazlitt: Azel brings together common sense with intelligent observation, and academic substance. Stupendous,

Carlos Alberto Montaner
                                                                   BUY NOW
Los escritos de José Azel están tocados por la sabiduría de un maestro y la amenidad de un excelente comunicador. Cualquiera que desee entender por qué los países progresan, o no, encontrará en este libro las mejores explicaciones. De estas lecturas surgen numerosas inferencias: ¿Cómo y por qué las buenas intenciones del colectivismo de izquierda llevan a los países al infierno? ¿Por qué la libertad no es un subproducto de la prosperidad, sino una de sus causas?

Si estuviera en mis manos, esta obra sería de obligada lectura de todos los estudiantes universitarios, pero además, le recomendaría su lectura a todos los políticos, periodistas y policy makers. Con sus escritos Azel logra lo que Frédéric Bastiat consiguiera en Francia y Henry Hazlitt en Estados Unidos: aunar el sentido común, la observación inteligente y la enjundia académica. Estupendo.

Carlos Alberto Montaner
                                                           Compre Aqui
"Liberty for beginners is much more than what the title promises. It is eighty themes touched with the wisdom of a master, and the charm of an excellent communicator. Anyone that wishes to understand why countries do, or do not progress, will find in this book the best explanations. Stupendous"

Carlos Alberto Montaner

"Libertad para novatos es mucho más de lo que promete el título. Son ochenta temas tocados con la sabiduría de un maestro y la amenidad de un excelente comunicador. Cualquier adulto que desee saber por qué progresan o se estancan los pueblos aquí encontrará las mejores explicaciones. Estupendo."

Carlos Alberto Montaner

Compre Aqui

In Reflections on FreedomJosé Azel brings together a collection of his columns published in prestigious newspapers.  Each article reveals his heartfelt and personal awareness of the importance of freedom in our lives.  They are his reflections after nearly sixty years of living and learning as a Cuban outside Cuba. In what has become his stylistic trademark, Professor Azel brilliantly introduces complex topics in brief journalistic articles.
En Reflexiones sobre la libertad José Azel reúne una colección de sus columnas publicadas en prestigiosos periódicos. Cada artículo revela su percepción sincera y personal de la importancia de la libertad en nuestras vidas. Son sus reflexiones después de casi sesenta años viviendo y aprendiendo como cubano fuera de Cuba.  En lo que ha resultado ser característica distintiva de sus artículos, el Profesor Azel introduce con brillantez complejos temas en  breves artículos de carácter periodístico.
Mañana in Cuba is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Cuba with an incisive perspective of the Cuban frame of mind and its relevancy for Cuba's future.
Pedazos y Vacíos is a collection of poems written in by Dr. Azel in his youth. Poems are in Spanish.
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