2nd Part: Cuba's state-run human trafficking business

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2nd Part: Cuba's state-run human trafficking business   Ver versión en español abajo Part II: Export sales of blood products & body parts, state-sponsored/forced migration, forced labor of prisoners and minors, and sex trafficking. On March 22nd 2016, Cuba Archive’s Executive Director, Maria Werlau, testified at a congressional hearing that the Cuban state is likely “one of the largest and most profitable traffickers in the world” and runs a gigantic and growing trafficking business through numerous state enterprises. Based on this testimony, we previously published Part I on forced labor of exported temporary workers, but Cuba sponsors other forms of human trafficking. Export sales of blood products and body parts (See www.CubaArchive.org, Reports, for information on both these issues.) For decades, Cuba has been exporting blood products in international markets mostly to countries that are its close allies. International statistics from 1995 on indicate that these sales have averaged $30 million a year and these export sales lack the required consent of volunteer donors, over 400,000 Cuban citizens who are systematically coerced each year into donating their blood in massive country-wide campaigns, told their blood is for altruistic purposes. Cuba Archive is launching a social media campaign to inform Cuba’s citizenry on this issue. Furthermore, the Cuban government started a puzzling export of human tissue, glands, and other body parts of unknown origin to Brazil that started growing very quickly beginning in 2005 and reached a peak of $88.4 million in 2013, as reports grew inside Cuba of suspected deaths or the plundering of bodies to harvest body parts, both suggestive of state sponsorship, that merit investigation. Other forms of human trafficking in or by Cuba The Cuban state also has a direct or indirect role in other forms of human trafficking: state-sponsored or forced migration, forced labor of prisoners and minors, and sex trafficking, including of minors with state complicity purportedly maintained to increase Cuba´s attraction as a tourism destination. The absence of legal protections in Cuba and lacking international support  In Cuba, there is no legal protection for victims or individual or collective rights outside of those allowed by the Communist party. What’s worse, in many of the human trafficking cases, Cuba`s military dictatorship has accomplices, participants, sponsors, and promoters all over the world, including from well known corporations, large foundations, key international agencies, and some of the leading world democracies. Because the main perpetrator of the trafficking is, in fact, the Cuban state —directly and indirectly—, the exploited fall systematically and hopelessly into a virtual black hole given the little international awareness, support, or protection. Some of the temporary workers find safe harbor in the countries where they serve, especially health professionals to the U.S. under the Cuban Medical Professional Parole program, in existence since 2006. See congressional hearing and written testimony HERE. We need your support to continue this work Your generosity will be greatly appreciated. Please donate on our homepage or visit our How to Help page at www.CubaArchive.org. Cuba Archive’s Truth and Memory Project documents the loss of life resulting from the Cuban revolution and studies transitional issues of truth, memory and justice. Free Society Project Info@CubaArchive.org If you do not wish to receive our mailings, please reply with “Unsubscribe.” 2da Parte: El negocio de tráfico humano del estado cubano  Parte II: La venta de exportación de productos sanguíneos y partes corporales, la migraciónforzada, el trabajo forzado de presos y menores de edad y el tráfico sexual  El estado cubano “es posiblemente el mayor y más rentable traficante de personas del mundo". Con estas palabras testificó recientemente ante el Congreso de los Estados Unidos la directora ejecutiva del Archivo Cuba, Maria Werlau,[1] detallando como Cuba administra el gigantesco negocio de tráfico humano a través de numerosas entidades estatales. Sobre dicho testimonio, publicamos anteriormente la Primera Parte de este informe sobre el trabajo forzado de los trabajadores exportados al servicio del gobierno cubano, pero Cuba también participa de otras formas de tráfico humano. Ventas de exportación de productos sanguíneos y partes del cuerpo humano  (Ver Informes en www.ArchivoCuba.org para información sobre estos dos temas.) Durante décadas,  Cuba ha exportado sangre y productos sanguíneos particularmente a países aliados. Estadísticas internacionales disponibles a partir del 1995 indican que tales ventas le devengan a Cuba un promedio anual de US$30 millones. El negocio carece del consentimiento requerido de alrededor de 400,000 ciudadanos cubanos que anualmente donan su sangre, presionados en campañas masivas a nivel nacional y con el falso pretexto de que sus donaciones cumplen fines altruistas, "para salvar vidas". Archivo Cuba está lanzando una campaña en medios sociales para informar a la ciudadanía cubana sobre esto. Asimismo, el gobierno cubano comenzó en el 2005 una exportación misteriosa a Brasil, durante el gobierno de Lula da Silva, de tejidos humanos y otras glándulas y partes del cuerpo humano de origen desconocido. Dichas ventas crecieron muy rápidamente y llegaron a un máximo de US$88.4 millones en el 2013. Mientras tanto, comenzaron a recibirse informes desde Cuba de muertes sospechosas y del saqueo de partes humanas de cadáveres que parecen sugerir la mano del estado y merecen seria investigación. Otras formas de tráfico humano en Cuba El estado cubano tiene un rol directo o indirecto en varias otras formas de tráfico humano: la migración forzada o auspiciada por el estado, el trabajo forzado de prisioneros y menores, y el tráfico sexual, incluyendo de menores de edad, con la complicidad del estado para atraer turismo. La ausencia de protecciones legales en Cuba y la falta de apoyo international En Cuba, no hay protección legal para las víctimas como tampoco derechos individuales o colectivos fuera de los que reconoce el Partido Comunista. Lo que es peor, en muchos de los casos de tráfico humano la dictadura militar cubana cuenta con cómplices, participantes y auspiciadores a nivel mundial, incluyendo por parte de grandes corporaciones y prestigiosas fundaciones, agencias internacionales y los principales gobiernos democráticos del mundo. Porque el victimario es —directa o indirectamente—el estado cubano, las víctimas caen sistemáticamente y de manera desesperanzadora en un virtual agujero negro, desprovistos de escasa o nula atención mundial y protección o apoyo internacionales. En el caso de los trabajadores forzados sirviendo a Cuba en el exterior, especialmente algunos profesionales de la salud obtienen asilo en los Estados Unidos bajo un programa de visas especiales (Cuban Medical Professional Parole program), que existe desde el 2006, pero está bajo revisión por el gobierno de Obama. Ver la audiencia y el testimonio escrito, en inglés AQUI. Necesitamos su apoyo para continuar nuestra labor Por favor haga un donativo en la medida de sus posibilidades. Puede hacerlo en nuestra página de inicio o en la de “Cómo Ayudar” en www.ArchivoCuba.org. Archivo Cuba Proyecto de Verdad y Memoria documenta la pérdida en vidas resultado de la revolución cubana y estudia la justicia transicional  —memoria-verdad-justicia. Free Society Project Info@CubaArchive.org Si no desea recibir nuestros envíos esporádicos, favor escriba “Retirar” en un correo de vuelta.

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With No Embargo, What Would Castro Do?

the AZEL

PERSPECTIVE

Commentary on Cuba's Future, U.S. Foreign Policy & Individual Freedoms - Issue 20

Ironically, an end to the travel ban on the merits of US tourists as communicators of democratic values would enrich the Cuban military — who control the tourism industry.

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The recent editorials arguing for or against the continuation of the US embargo and travel ban towards Cuba have one feature in common; unlike the evangelical self-inquiry of “What would Jesus do?” the writers fail to ask the WWCD question. That is, what would Raúl Castro do if the United States were to unilaterally and unconditionally end economic sanctions? This is a peculiar omission, since the formulation of US foreign policy is often compared to a chess game in which every prospective move is analyzed and weighted with an eye to what the adversary’s counter move would be. As with a conditional proposition in logic, a unilateral policy move by the United States implies reciprocity by Cuba in the “if … then…” array of possibilities. And yet, advocates of a unilateral-unconditional ending of economic sanctions simplistically posit that the policy has failed and hence it must be changed, without advancing their vision of how the Castro government would respond to such a US initiative. This is an irresponsible approach to the formulation of US foreign policy. Let me thus advance a WWCD scenario that, although necessarily speculative as these crystal ball exercises are, is perfectly consistent with the statements and actions of the Castro government. First the obvious: Cuban officials would move to capitalize economically in every possible way, but most importantly by welcoming US tourists as the most immediate source of foreign exchange. A corollary is that the Cuban government may also move to restrict travel by Cuban-Americans. The Castro logic is simple: US tourists do not speak Spanish, are not subversive, will have limited contacts with Cubans, and will stay in isolated resorts that are off limits to the average Cuban and controlled by Cuba’s security apparatus. Cuban-Americans, on the other hand, symbolize a more destabilizing and less profitable group, given their propensity to stay with family and friends and their ability to communicate in Spanish their experiences in a free land. Ironically, an end to the travel ban on the merits of US tourists as communicators of democratic values would enrich the Cuban military — who control the tourism industry. Under this scenario, they would likely threaten travel by Cuban-Americans who offer more accessible evidence of the virtues of democracy and free markets. My WWCD scenario foresees another Castro move that would be very awkward for the United States. For years, the Cuban government has carried out a very successful campaign in the United Nations and other international platforms to make a case for economic damages to Cuba caused by the US embargo. In Cuba’s view, this policy by the United States has caused over US$116 billion in damages to the Cuban economy. The damages are detailed in yearly reports that Cuba submits to the United Nations. In the latest UN vote, 188 nations voted to end the embargo and only one nation voted with the United States. Ending economic sanctions unconditionally would strengthen Cuba’s juridical case and would be exhibited by Cuba to the international community as an admission of culpability by the United States. Indeed, Cuba may seek reparations for damages in forums such as the International Court of Justice. This “if … then…” scenario is not as far fetched as it may seem. The doctrine of state immunity, which protects a state from being sued, allows exceptions for disputes arising from commercial transactions. Moreover, scholars in this field have argued that states should not have immunity in cases relating to human-rights abuses. Correspondingly, and astutely, the Cuban government has diligently built its case against the US embargo as a violation of human rights, contending it is a policy “deliberately designed to provoke hunger, illnesses and desperation in the Cuban population.” Opponents of the embargo naively reinforce Cuba’s case by always noting in their language that the embargo “only hurts the Cuban people.” Some provisions of the embargo extend the territorial jurisdiction of the United States in a way shunned by most nations. The Cuban government will rejoice at the opportunity to place the United States “on trial” in international stages populated by anti-Americanism. This is not to suggest that Cuba’s case would prevail and be awarded damages, but it is the sort of scenario that makes advocacy for a non-negotiated ending of economic sanctions such an irresponsible argument. Supporters of terminating the embargo unconditionally must be confused; the Castros are not the type to “turn the other cheek.” Please let us know if you  this article. This article was originally published in English in the Miami Herald and in Spanish in El Nuevo Herald. José Azel, Ph.D. José Azel left Cuba in 1961 as a 13 year-old political exile in what has been dubbed Operation Pedro Pan - the largest unaccompanied child refugee movement in the history of the Western Hemisphere. He is currently dedicated to the in-depth analyses of Cuba's economic, social and political state, with a keen interest in post-Castro-Cuba strategies as a Senior Scholar at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies (ICCAS) at the University of Miami and has published extensively on Cuba related topics. In 2012 and 2015, Dr. Azel testified in the U.S. Congress on U.S.-Cuba Policy, and U.S. National Security.  He is a frequent speaker and commentator on these and related topics on local, national and international media.  He holds undergraduate and masters degrees in business administration and a Ph.D. in International Affairs from the University of Miami.  Dr. Azel is author of Mañana in Cuba: The Legacy of Castroism and Transitional Challenges for Cuba, published in March 2010 and of Pedazos y Vacios, a collection of poems he wrote as a young exile in the 1960's. José along with his wife Lily are avid skiers and adventure travelers.  In recent years they have climbed Grand Teton in Wyoming, trekked Mt. Kilimanjaro in Tanzania and Machu Pichu in Peru.  They have also hiked in Tibet and in the Himalayas to Mt. Everest Base Camp. They cycled St. James Way (El Camino de Santiago de Compostela) and cycled alongside the Danube from Germany to Hungary. They have scuba dived in the Bay Islands off the Honduran coast.  Their adventurers are normally dedicated to raise funds for causes that are dear to them.  Watch Joe & Lily summit Kilimanjaro. Books by Dr. José Azel Mañana in Cuba is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Cuba with an incisive perspective of the Cuban frame of mind and its relevancy for Cuba's future. Buy now Pedazos y Vacíos is a collection of poems written in by Dr. Azel in his youth. Poems are in Spanish. Buy now

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Goodbye, Jaime Ortega

at 9:18 AM

From Diario de Cuba's Editorial Board:

Goodbye, Jaime Ortega

Things are so bad in Cuba that any news about a shakeup in the country's elite - even if it's just a quasi-retirement, like that announced for Jaime Ortega- is good news.

Cardinal Ortega had been the Archbishop of Havana since 1981. In exchange for concessions for his Church, he ingratiated himself with the Castro regime to such a degree that he ended up being perceived as one more component of it. Under his leadership the Catholic Church sought and managed to recover a significant social presence, which is not illicit. What was wrong, however, was doing so by failing to denounce the social, political and economic crisis induced by the dictatorship, the lack of fundamental freedoms in Cuba, denying the existence of political prisoners and serving as a spokesman for the regime at international forums.

At these events the cardinal demonstrated an attitude of classist disdain and a lack of compassion, mercy and Christian love and sympathy for the "uneducated" or "criminals," as he branded Cuban citizens demanding the rights. Ortega forgot the mercy that Jesus showed to thieves and prostitutes. Rubbing shoulders with “Castro's princes” made him arrogant and led him off the path he had sworn to follow.

He served as a go-between for the Interior Ministry when it sent the Black Spring political prisoners into exile, thereby allowing the regime to avoid direct talks with the civil society groups that were pressuring the Government, and then proceeded to deny the existence of those same activists in Cuba. In this way he was complicit in the regime's sleight of hand campaigns: making people disappear and then claiming that they don't exist.

For all these reasons, though the cause of democracy in Cuba should not expect much from Pope Francis and Vatican strategies, the fact that Jaime Ortega has left the scene (at least partially) represents progress.

Quote of the Week: Cuba is Not Changing

at 9:30 AM

With this government, I don’t think there are going to be big changes. I don’t think they want to open. They want to tighten down. We’re still very closed. They don’t let you sell, they don’t let you get a license to import. We aren’t changing.

-- Barbara Ugarte, Cuban "self-employed" licensee ("cuentapropista") in Central Havana, AP, 4/30/16

Cruising to Cuba Like its 1977

at 9:36 AM

Despite the misleading headlines, this week's Carnival Cruise to Cuba is not the first since 1959.

Kudos to CNN's Patrick Oppmann for actually doing some research.

In 1977, there was a similar cruise.

It's also a reminder of how there's nothing particularly new about President Obama's Cuba policy. It's simply a rehash of Jimmy Carter's.

And just like Carter's, Obama's is already proving to be counter-productive.

As Predicted, Castro Keeps Reverting "Reforms"

at 9:53 AM Monday, May 2, 2016

Obama's policy supporters long argued that normalizing relations and easing sanctions towards Cuba would encourage Raul's "reforms."

That misses the glaring fact that Castro's regime only responds when it's economically pressed. For example, "self-employment" -- albeit a half-measure -- was a temporary reaction to loss of Soviet subsidies. Years later, with the remnants of the Chavez-Maduro regime in Venezuela imploding, Cuba resorted to it again.

However, as we warned several months before the Obama-Castro deal (December 17th, 2014), once the Cuban economy stabilizes or begins to "bounce back," the Castro government will reverse itself to freeze or revoke any "reforms."

Lift U.S. sanctions and Cuba's government will solely focus on strengthening its state conglomerates and the repression required to suppress change.

That's exactly what has been happening.

Here's the latest from Reuters:

Cuba backtracks on food reforms as conservatives resist change

Cuba decided at a secretive Communist Party congress last week to reverse market reforms in food distribution and pricing, according to reports in official media, reflecting tensions within the party about the pace of economic change.

President Raul Castro unveiled an ambitious market reform agenda in one of the world's last Soviet-style command economies after he took office a decade ago, but the reforms moved slowly in the face of resistance from conservatives and bureaucrats.

At the April 16-19 congress, Castro railed against an "obsolete mentality" that was holding back modernization of Cuba's socialist economy. But he also said the leadership needed to respond quickly to problems like inflation unleashed by greater demand as a result of reforms in other sectors.

In response, delegates voted to eliminate licenses for private wholesale food distribution, according to reports over the past week in the Communist Party daily, Granma, and state television.

Delegates said the state would contract, distribute and regulate prices for 80 to 90 percent of farm output this year, compared to 51 percent in 2014, according to debates broadcast days after the event.