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Latin America and the Myth of the Lost Cause

the AZEL

PERSPECTIVE

Commentary on Cuba's Future, U.S. Foreign Policy & Individual Freedoms - Issue 175

Latin America and the Myth of the Lost Cause

Forward

For historians of the United States’ Civil War, the “Lost Cause” is an ideological movement that romanticizes the Confederate cause as a heroic fight against great odds. The Lost Cause ideology seeks to highlight the alleged virtues of the antebellum South; it portrays the Civil War as an honorable struggle in defense of the Southern way of life.

Most controversially, the Lost Cause ideology whitewashes the horrors of slavery portraying it as more compassionate than cruel, and claiming that it taught Christianity and civilized values. Lost Cause advocates ignore the Confederate’s shortcomings, and blame their defeat on the massive superiority of the Yankee industrial machine. Proponents of the Lost Cause also claim that the Reconstruction that followed the Civil War was an attempt by Northern politicians, financial manipulators and “carpetbaggers” to undermine the Southern way of life.

There is, of course, a more honest and accurate version of Civil War history that dismisses Lost Cause ideology as a myth. However, it must be conceded that Lost Cause ideas and iconography have penetrated the American conscience. This debate played out recently, literally in the public square, with the movement to remove Confederate monuments. It is proving to be very hard to untangle the Lost Cause myth from American history.

Similarly, many Latin American countries have developed their own Lost Cause narrative in which “Yankee Imperialism,” and not their own shortcomings, is responsible for Latin America’s economic underdevelopment. For example, one narrative of the Latin American myth of the Lost Cause is the Dependency Theory argument which claims that resources flow, in an exploitative manner, from a “periphery” of poor underdeveloped states to a “core” of wealthy states.

A central contention of Dependency Theory is that the core states became rich at the expense of impoverishing the periphery states. In this narrative, just like in the Lost Cause account of Reconstruction in the American South, Latin American development was the victim of the greedy Northern corporations. This narrative ignores Latin America’s history of failures of public policy, its statism and endemic corruption, and other ills. And, in classic Lost Cause fashion, it romanticizes the virtues of Hispanic culture.

The 2017 Corruption Perceptions Index, produced by Transparency International, reveals that the public sectors of most Latin American countries are highly corrupt, and are making little progress in ending corruption. The index ranks 180 countries by their perceived levels of public sector corruption, using a scale from “very clean” to “highly corrupt.” In Latin America, only Uruguay and Chile rate close to “very clean” with world rankings of number 23 and 24 respectively. For reference, the United States is ranked as number 16. Practically every other Latin American country scores in triple digits towards the “highly corrupt” end of the rankings, e.g., Nicaragua #151, Haiti #157, Venezuela #169.

Latin American corruption is, in part, a result of an excessively large government sector, and government intrusion in the economy. The result is too many government officials interfering with people’s lives and their livelihood. This is the kind of corruption- where bribery and lucrative government contacts prevail- that undermines confidence, not just in government, but in human nature itself. And, in the public mind it is not government inefficiency and corruption that is culpable for the region’s economic underdevelopment: The responsibility falls on “Yankee Imperialism.” Like its American counterpart, Latin Americas’ myth of the Lost Cause has penetrated public consciousness.

Sadly, this prevailing myth prevents the region from looking inwardly for methods to curb corruption and increase government accountability. In the realm of the possible, one approach is to reduce the separation between government and the people. Structurally this means a genuine federalist type of government where economic power is vested mostly in state and local governments rather than in an all powerful national government.

Federalism does not immunize government against corruption. But, by dealing in smaller sums of money, and by being closer to the people, federalism provides disincentives for corrupt behavior, and incentivizes effective government. And just as importantly, federalism, and its concomitant personal responsibility, undermine the mythology of the Lost Cause.

Please let us know if you

this article.

We welcome your feedback.
Abrazos,
Lily & José
(click on the name to email Lily or Jose)

José Azel, Ph.D.

José Azel left Cuba in 1961 as a 13 year-old political exile in what has been dubbed Operation Pedro Pan - the largest unaccompanied child refugee movement in the history of the Western Hemisphere.

He is currently dedicated to the in-depth analyses of Cuba's economic, social and political state, with a keen interest in post-Castro-Cuba strategies. Formerly, a Senior Scholar at the Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American Studies (ICCAS) at the University of Miami, Jose Azel has published extensively on Cuba related topics.

In 2012 and 2015, Dr. Azel testified in the U.S. Congress on U.S.-Cuba Policy, and U.S. National Security. He is a frequent speaker and commentator on these and related topics on local, national and international media. He holds undergraduate and masters degrees in business administration and a Ph.D. in International Affairs from the University of Miami.

José along with his wife Lily are avid skiers and adventure travelers. In recent years they have climbed Grand Teton in Wyoming, trekked Mt. Kilimanjaro in Tanzania and Machu Pichu in Peru. They have also hiked in Tibet and in the Himalayas to Mt. Everest Base Camp.

They cycled St. James Way (El Camino de Santiago de Compostela) and cycled alongside the Danube from Germany to Hungary. They have scuba dived in the Bay Islands off the Honduran coast and in the Galapagos Islands.

Their adventurers are normally dedicated to raise funds for causes that are dear to them.

Watch Joe & Lily summit Kilimanjaro.

Books by Dr. José Azel

"Liberty for beginners is much more than what the title promises. It is eighty themes touched with the wisdom of a master, and the charm of an excellent communicator. Anyone that wishes to understand why countries do, or do not progress, will find in this book the best explanations.
If it was in my power, this work would be required reading for all college and university students, and I would recommend its reading to politicians, journalists, and policymakers. With this book Azel accomplishes what was achieved in France by Frédéric Bastiat, and in the United States by Henry Hazlitt: brings together common sense with intelligent observation, and academic substance. Stupendous"
Carlos Alberto Montaner

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"Libertad para novatos es mucho más de lo que promete el título. Son ochenta temas tocados con la sabiduría de un maestro y la amenidad de un excelente comunicador. Cualquier adulto que desee saber por qué progresan o se estancan los pueblos aquí encontrará las mejores explicaciones.
Si estuviera en mis manos, esta obra sería lectura obligatoria de todos los estudiantes, tanto de bachillerato como universitarios, pero, además, se la recomendaría a todos los políticos y periodistas, a todos los policy makers. Azel logra con este libro lo que Frédéric Bastiat consiguiera en Francia y Henry Hazlitt en Estados Unidos: aunar el sentido común, la observación inteligente y la enjundia académica. Estupendo."
Carlos Alberto Montaner

Compre Aqui

In Reflections on Freedom, José Azel brings together a collection of his columns published in prestigious newspapers. Each article reveals his heartfelt and personal awareness of the importance of freedom in our lives. They are his reflections after nearly sixty years of living and learning as a Cuban outside Cuba. In what has become his stylistic trademark, Professor Azel brilliantly introduces complex topics in brief journalistic articles.

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En Reflexiones sobre la libertad José Azel reúne una colección de sus columnas publicadas en prestigiosos periódicos. Cada artículo revela su percepción sincera y personal de la importancia de la libertad en nuestras vidas. Son sus reflexiones después de casi sesenta años viviendo y aprendiendo como cubano fuera de Cuba. En lo que ha resultado ser característica distintiva de sus artículos, el Profesor Azel introduce con brillantez complejos temas en breves artículos de carácter periodístico.

Compre Aqui

Mañana in Cuba is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Cuba with an incisive perspective of the Cuban frame of mind and its relevancy for Cuba's future.

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Pedazos y Vacíos is a collection of poems written in by Dr. Azel in his youth. Poems are in Spanish.

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Book Deal

This nut case is seeking a book deal, since she was a bartender, maybe it’s about: 'How To Flash Your Boobs In Order To Get Big Tips'…

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Monday, April 15, 2019

Capitalism as an Attitude

the AZEL

PERSPECTIVE

Commentary on Cuba's Future, U.S. Foreign Policy & Individual Freedoms - Issue 174

The Young, and Capitalism as an Attitude

Forward

Capitalism may be defined, as Carl Marx did, by its labor system, where the workers do not own their own means of production. It may also be defined by the metaphorical ‘market’ where the buying and selling takes place, or by private ownership of the means of production rather than government ownership. But my interest here is to describe capitalism as an attitude. That is, as a mental state connecting a person to a proposition. Consider:

When a socialist sees a luxurious expensive home, the reaction may be one of disgust - “No-one should be allowed to live like that,” or perhaps one of envy - “If I cannot live like that, no-one should live like that.” In contrast, someone with a capitalist attitude might instead think - “Everyone should have the opportunity to work towards buying a house like that.”

Capitalism also expresses a willingness to take entrepreneurial risks. A centerpiece of capitalism is the modern corporation which facilitates, thru the sale of stock to the public, the concentration of large sums of capital in support of an enterprising idea. Without this ability to concentrate capital, national economies are limited to small scale businesses, or to rely on government for business operations requiring large sums of capital.

Critics of business corporations point to the diffusion of responsibility among professional managers, directors, and shareholders, as a fatal flaw of corporations. Yet, the alternatives are to be a primitive economy, or to let government undertake all business activities requiring large sums of capital. This entails even greater diffusion of responsibilities and inefficiency. Why then, do some, and in particular young people, seem to hate capitalism so much?

Opinion polls suggest that young people do not think highly of capitalism. A 2016 Harvard University poll of 18 to 29 year-olds found that 51 percent of respondents do not support capitalism. Another poll, by YouGov, found that 44 percent of American millennials claimed they would prefer to live in a socialist country, compared to 42 percent who would prefer to live in a capitalist country. These attitudes beg the question: If young people dislike government so much, why would they want more of it in the form of greater government control of our economic lives?

One easy conclusion would be to echo the judgement attributed to Winston Churchill that: “If a man is not a socialist by the time he is 20, he has no heart. If he is not a conservative by the time he is 40, he has no brain.”

But there is more to this attitude about capitalism, and the results of these surveys are difficult to interpret because capitalism can mean different things to different people. Moreover, this negative attitude is not unique to today’s youth. Young people, across generations, have typically shown less support for their official political and economic systems than their elders. It is also clear that they tend to change those views as they age.

Most of the youthful objections seem directed at crony capitalism where businesses thrive, not as a result of risk-taking, but through a nexus between the business class and the political class; or to situations where state power is used to suppress genuine competition. We should all share in that disgust.

Interestingly, in follow up surveys young participants strongly favor ideas such as employee-owned companies, and profit-sharing plans rather than advocating for state ownership of the enterprises. These are capitalist ideas used by modern companies to improve profitability.

Today’s youth rejects capitalism without a clear idea of what should replace it. When the ideas of young protesters are intellectually unpacked, they actually want more capitalism not less. The concerns of protesting millennials are mostly related to fairness, and not to an ideological belief in state ownership of the means of production.

Young people are adamant about having control over their activities. They do not favor a heavy government presence in their personal lives. These are capitalist attitudes. These young protesters are capitalists; they just do not know it yet.

Please let us know if you

this article.

We welcome your feedback.
Abrazos,
Lily & José
(click on the name to email Lily or Jose)

José Azel, Ph.D.

Watch Joe & Lily summit Kilimanjaro.

Books by Dr. José Azel

Mañana in Cuba is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Cuba with an incisive perspective of the Cuban frame of mind and its relevancy for Cuba's future.

Buy now